XVII CONCLUSION THE issue in the European war essentially is that between the individualistic era of the past and the co-operative era of the future, and whatever may be the military results of the war, this issue is decided and all civilized na- tions of Europe have abandoned the individual- is lie principle of industrial organization, and have organized or are organizing as rapidly as possible a co-operative system of industrial l)roduction. Against the vastly higher pro- ductive efficiency of industrial co-operation of the European nations after the war, our coun- try's individualistic industrial organization, with everybody fighting against everybody else, industrially, politically, and socially, is hope- less, and America thus will either fail, cease to be one of the world's leading industrial nations, or we must also organize a system of industrial production based on co-operation and not on 217 AMERICA AND THE NEW EPOCH competition. That is, we must enter the co- operative era, or fall by the wayside. America's national temperament is demo- cratic, our methods of organization thus con- central — that is, from the individual units to the central organism — while all the European na- tions are of monarchical temperament, their methods of organization thus decentral, from a strong central government — political or finan- cial— toward the individual. Thus we cannot copy, nor even benefit to any extent, from the experience of Europe's re- organization, but must work out our own sal- vation, on new democratic lines, a problem far greater and more difficult. The most promising structural element of the future co-operative industrial organization, in our present nation, is the industrial corporation, and on this probably the structure of co-oper- ative industrial society will be built in our democratic nation. A positive, administrative, and executive in- dustrial government, i)rofessionally comi)etent, continuous and permanent, by an industrial senate. A negative tribuniciate, with no ex- ecutive or administrative power, but with superior inhibitory and supervisory power, re- 218 CONCLUSION sponsible and rapidly responsive to all the citizens of the nation. Such a co-operative democratic common- wealth would be superior in efficiency to the monarchical co-operative industrial organiza- tions of Europe, just as much as the Roman Republic was superior to all other communities of the classic age. But the first requirements for the possibility of such co-operative democratic organization are racial, industrial, and political unity. There must be no racial antagonism. The an- tagonism and fight between the political organi- zations, nation. State, and municipality and the industrial organizations must cease and an intelligent understanding between the public and the industrial corporations must be estab- lished. Most of all, however, the foremost causes of indifference and antagonism of the masses of producers against the producing or- ganizations must be eliminated bj' an efficient and effective establishment of the right of every- body to live in his accustomed social standard, and the duty to work when capable. It means the recognition as the fundamental principle of civilized society of the first connnandment of the Bible, "Where is thy brother?" And the 219 AMERICA AND THE NEW EPOCH outlawing, forever, of Cain's answer, "Am I my brother's keeper?" Political legislation, or industrial organiza- tion, or a combination of both, may bring about this social reconstruction, and the rapidly in- creasing interest, within the corporation, in social activity, promises well in this direction. With this accomplished, and the enormous number of the emplo^'ees of the industrial cor- porations thereby attached to the interests of the corporations and ready for the defense of the corporations — just as the millions of the German Social Democracy were by the social legislation attached to the nation and ready for its defense — with this accomplished, quickly the political power would shift and the political government, instead of outlawing and fighting corporate success and business, would be brought into co-operation with the industrial corporation, and from thereon the progress toward democratic co-operative industrial or- ganization would be steady and rapid. Internationally the co-operative era would bring about material changes: with production controlled, first nationally and then inter- nationally, by the demand for the product, and production for the mere profit of producing 220 CONCLUSION eliminated as uneconomical, much of the inter- national competition for the markets of the world would cease, and with it most of the causes of war. The secondary nations would come within the sphere of influence, under the political and industrial guidance of the world's leading industrial nations. Thus our country's influence would extend over our continent and its territorial waters. International commerce as a system of com- petition for profit would cease, but would re- main and even extend in dealing with those things which one nation, or one territory, can produce better or more conveniently than another. But with international competition ended and co-operation established, international war also would become an impossibility as a matter of course, as there would be no causes for war. Thus no international court of justice, no world's congress or international police force, or other such impossibilities would be needed, but war between nations would simply become unthinkable, just as it would be unthinkable to-day, if the heads of two dei)artments within the same corporation disagree about some mat- ter, that the members of the two departments 221 AMERICA AND THE NEAV EPOCH go out with clubs and pistols to fight out the disagreement. And how about socialism? As a matter of fact, international industrial co-operation would be so near socialism, would so imperceptibly merge into it, that nobody would ever be able to see where "capitalistic society" ended and the "socialistic commonwealth" began — though it is obvious that this socialistic commonwealth will be as different from the dreams of us socialists of to-day as every accomplished progress always has been from the first crude ideas of its originators. But suppose we do not succeed in bringing about the racial unity, or the industrial unity, or the political unity, which is required for the co-operative industrial organization of our nation. What then? Suppose a serious racial antagonism should arise in our nation, as the result of the European war, between the Anglo-Saxon on the one side, and the citizens of German and Celtic descent on the other side; the Anglo-Saxon would prob- ably score at first; by his greater initiative, by his control of much of the political and indus- trial machinery, he would, by organizing the Slav and Mediterranean, by political, indus- ^2i / CONCLUSION trial, anu social pressure, drive tlie citizens of Celtic and German descent from power, and practically, if not even legally, disfranchise them. But then, deprived of the organizing ability of the German, the administrative ability of the Celt, and with the Anglo-Saxon's tontempt for the "lower" races, very soon the Slav and Mediterranean would rise in political revolt and thus finally the Anglo-Saxon would disappear from our national organism, just as the Aryans, which once created India's ancient civilization, have long disappeared. With the strongly collectivistic temperament of most Slav and Mediterranean nations, and the individualistic races, Anglo-Saxon and Teuton, hostile against each other, probably the collec- tivistic— that is, monarchical — temperament would get into control of our nation, that is, democracy would cease and a monarchical state supervene; probably a Caesarism rising on the military machine created by the Anglo- Saxon. Thus, united we stand, divided we fall, ap- plies racially to our country more than any- where else. Fortunately, there is hardly the remotest possibility of such racial antagonism making 15 223 AMERICA AND THE NEW KT'OCH headway In our nation, but the attempts of stirring up racial hatred will undoubtedly meet the fate of the former Know-Nothing party. -Granting thus racial unity, what then, if in- dustrial unity cannot be established; if our industrial leaders, our political leaders, fail to grasp the opportunity of insuring the masses oi producers against unemployment, sickness, old age, and if indifference, antagonism, and indus- trial strife remain, or if we fail to realize the immediate importance and urgency of bringing about better relations, and things continue to drift? The corporation would accomplish little, if anything, in industrial reorganization, as it would not be supported from within, its em- ployees, nor from without, the general public. The demand for the political government to step in, which already is strong and general, would naturally increase. The political govern- ment— municipal. State, and especially the Fed- eral Government— would take over more and more industrial activities; supervision of the railroads by an interstate commerce conmiis- sion, extending into control, and finally admin- istration and ownership of the railroads would follow; the same action extend to all other means of communication, as telegraph, tele- 224 CONCLUSION phone, etc". Industrial supervision and con- trol by an interstate trade commission would come, entering more and more into the internal economy, direction, and finally operation and practical ownership of industries. Simultane- ous therewith an extended governmental activ- ity in the ownership and operation of canals, reclamation works, mines, steamship lines, ship- yards, farms, etc. The final result thus would be an industrial reorganization of our nation by the political government, the Federal Govern- ment superseding the industrial corporations. Necessarily, to accomplish this, the govern- ment must be far more permanent, competent, and efficient than our present political govern- ment, and commissions, made as competent and permanent as possible, would take over most of the work of industrial control and operation, the direct elective officials mainly acting in supervisory capacity, directing the policies of the commissions. Such organizations, if once created, would probably be as efficient and sat- isfactory as the industrial government devel- oped from the industrial corporation would be. However, it would require an entire change of our governmental system, the creation of a strong centralized government, like that of 225 AMERICA AND THE NEW v^'OCH many European nations, the introduciion of de- central methods of dealing with progress and development. This would be possible only by a change of our national temperament from democratic to monarchical — that is, from indi- vidualistic to collectivistic. The general character of the later immigration is, indeed, far more collectivistic than that of the earlier immigration, and thereby there is produced a tendency of the nation toward col- lectivistic temperament, which is held in check by the influence of the earlier, more individual- istic elements, but is growing and would prob- ably gain the more headway, the longer the present chaotic condition persists. This drift may gradually change our national character so as to make the existence of a strong and stable centralized government possible, and thereby a control of the co-operative industrial system by the political government, as it exists, for instance, in Germany. However, it will be a matter of generations before our national temperament, by collectiv- istic immigration and elimination of the individ- ualistic strain, has changed sufficiently; and industrial progress and reorganization in the co-operative era is so rapid abroad, that long 226 \ t CONCLUSION before America's national character could have changed so far as to make industrial reorgani- zation by a centralized political government possible, America as an industrial nation would have ceased to exist, in competition with the highly organized and highly efficient co-opera- tive industrial organizations of Europe. Thus the time element defeats the possibility of political industrial reorganization of our na- tion. But what then will happen to America if we cannot bring about the co-operative indus- trial reorganization necessary to meet a re- constructed Europe in the new era.'^ Exportation of industrial products naturally will quickly cease, as with our inefficient in- dividualistic production we cannot meet in the markets of the world the competition of the co-operatively organized nations. Exportation of raw materials, of agricultural products .^^ Already to-day our excess produc- tion of agricultural products, etc., over our home consumption is not great, and is with the in- creasing population rapidly decreasing, and that while we are still using our natural resources. But with these exhausted in the near future, with our inefficient and crude methods of agri- AMERICA AND THE NE\\ % '. ^ culture and production, we soon will have no surplus to export, but need all that we produce to feed our own population. With no industrial products to export, this means, in case of crop failure or other accidents, famine, or importa- tion without equivalent to export — that is, impoverishment of the nation. Thus gradually our present process of increasing in wealth will reverse; we will get poorer, mortgage our country's lands, mines, etc., to foreign capital, and in the future then stands the fate of the Mexico, the India of to-day; a country owned and exploited by foreign capital, for the benefit of foreigners, but with the natives — the de- scendants of the Americans of to-day — as the exploited. Berlin or London as the financial and industrial center of the world, America as a country of plantations, of mines, and industrial establishments, owned, managed, and directed by foreigners and for foreign profit, with native American peon labor. Such is fate, such is the law of evolution: there is no standstill; either you swim or sink; either we enter the coming co-operative era of the world's history and take our place as one of the leading industrial nations organized for the highest efficiency possible under co-operative 228 CONCLUSION industrial production, or wc fall by the wayside, cease to be one of the world's leading nations, and merely become a field of exploitation, a sphere of European influence, to be parceled out like China. THE END 4v'0CH II I K •;q University of California Library Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. UCLA YRL ILL I>UE: JAN 0 2 Z305 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY f ACIUTY AA 001 083 377 0